in the 80s, like 1982/1983 was the telephones and phone lines in Palestine villages?
I’m not sure of the dates actually and I can’t find any sources for now , but I heard stories from my grand mother that they used to use phone and it was widely available in the 50s , and it was available less widely before specially used by intellectual Palestinians . Also, israeli occupation used to cut phone lines during Intifada as I heard stories .
As for sources ,
"In Palestine, access to the Internet started as early as the mid 80s. As a matter of fact, Palestine, and in particular Birzeit University, was the first in the region to connect to the Internet."
for now I couldn’t find any but this article “Our Story with the Internet in Palestine By Mashhour Abudaka” so accordingly phone lines should’ve been in Palestine before that .
When I find more regarding this , I will post it .
As a british person born after WW2 please know that millions of britains are horrified at what happened in Palestine, that we apologise from the depths of our being for the decisions of 1947 and that our hearts are with you for a Free Palestine. Every day we know you are provoked by Israeli government soldiers and the injustices are ignored by the U.S.A.
Balfour promise and British Mandate were a huge factors that lead to israeli occupation, I always hear from the people in Palestine that we one day should have an official apology from the British government -I think that this won’t happen at least before a fully free Palestine. - but at the same time we understand that the people of Britain are not guilty for what governments do as we see also lots of solidarity from you . Thank you !
Salam! I don't think you understand how awesome your blog is!! It means a lot to see pictures from MY country when I have never been there (neither have my parents). But we know our history like the back of our hands and we try to do everything in our power to help our brothers and sisters in Palestine. You are always in our dua and keep up the good work. You make us proud <3
Thank you so much for this it means a lot for me . Sorry that I have not been posting lately because I’ve just started in Med school so I didn’t have much time but will start soon again :)
Thank you so much for this blog. My grandparents were forced to leave in 1948 and they eventually made their way to Latin America and started a family there. But I constantly struggle with my identity because part of me knows I may never see Palestine, but the other part cherishes the stories my family has told me of their life and time there... it is great to put images to my thoughts :) thank you :)
This blog is the least I can give to our dear Palestine! Thank you for following .
Holding on to our culture and families past is a step towards a future for us in a freed Palestine . Keep it and share it :)
Art is a huge part of any heritage of countries and heritage is what defines the identity of a group of people.
looking at “israel” trying to introduce Palestinian heritage and arts as their own is a proof that israel has no connection to the past and is nothing but an occupation force which tries to steal Palestinian heritage just like their have stolen land !
the current means that Palestinians have in their hands is to stand there and introduce the world to their rich culture and to fight by keeping it alive.
The Palestinian refugees are definitely the most affected by israeli occupation in Palestine - specially the ones who live in refugee camps outside Palestine-
Most of them are living in inhuman conditions with the lack of the most essential things . Not to mention that they get involved - Not intentionally - in any struggle that happens within the host country and many of them are victims of not only “israel” but also to struggles they would have avoided if they weren’t kicked out of their land by force!
Palestinians in Syria and Lebanon in Palestinians thoughts and daily prayers , may we live that day that we will welcome you back home!
prayers for a safe Democratic Syria and thanks for having Palestinians that so many years ‘till they return !
and that’s another reason why ” a two state solution ” isn’t even reasonable : the right of return !
The Palestinian National Song A Personal Testimony By Rima Tarazi
"In Palestine, the distinct events that marked its modern history were strongly reflected in its musical landscape. Folk music, a great Palestinian tradition that boasts a large number of folk poets with superb improvisational talents, has been coloured by the suffering of the Palestinians and the loss of their homeland. Folk poets would improvise words to traditional tunes on the spur of the moment, depending on the occasion. “Ala Dal’ona,” for example, a traditional love ballad, became a song describing the loss of homeland and the yearning for freedom. These events, coinciding with the emergence of Arab renaissance and nationalist movements and with the exposure of Arab musicians to Western classical music, gave rise to what has become known as the national song. This was initially based on the form of the anthem which became very popular at the beginning of the 20thcentury and was shared by all Arabs of the region. Our generation recalls with nostalgia the times when “Nahnu Ashabab” and “Mawtini” were chanted with gusto by enthusiastic young men and women during congregations, marches, or picnics. The words reflected the aspirations of the times. The call for Arab unity and brotherhood amongst Moslems and Christians as a means of achieving independence and restoring the glory of the past featured prominently in the verses of that era.”
"The occupation of 1967 gave rise to a new wave of musicians dealing with the national songs in a variety of styles and forms. What became known as the ‘committed song’ became very popular and widely spread amongst the masses. The media and new technology succeeded in advancing those artistic endeavors National songs were no longer based solely on the form of the anthem. They became a mixture of art songs, popular songs and choral works, all focusing on the tribulations and aspirations of our people”.
All occasions in the Palestinian life have their own songs. Weddings are the most popular times when people sing and dance on the tunes of the popular songs. Usually there are certain singers (Zajjaleen) who lead the singing and the audience repeats after them. However, one can find people singing popular songs while working in the land or the factory.As any other form of poetry, popular songs treat different aspects: love, patriotism, wisdom, and others. In addition, there are different forms of songs which differ in the tune and the way of singing.(for more about ways of singing,source )
From the refugees in 1949 looking over the Lebanese border at the land from which they were expelled, to the students in the Gaza banned by the Israeli Supreme Court from studying in the West Bank, Israeli colonisation has fragmented the Palestinian people over the decades with walls, fences, guns, bureaucracy and propaganda.
Overcoming that fragmentation has become further complicated in recent times on account of the moribund state of representative bodies like the Palestine Liberation Organisation, as well as the long-running split between Fatah and Hamas.
In the last few years, however, there have been moments when particular circumstances have prompted coordinated resistance, at least on a grassroots level, amongst Palestinians wherever they may be. One such example was the widespread protests prompted by the massacre in Gaza in 2008-9 (otherwise known as Operation Cast Lead). Another example is when Palestinians coalesced around the prisoners’ hunger strikes to launch solidarity activities from Haifa to Ramallah.
Now, Palestinians have united around opposition to a pending Israeli government plan to expel tens of thousands of Palestinian Bedouin from communities in the Negev that await destruction in the name of ‘development’.
The Prawer plan, some years in the making, is part of a historical drive by the Israeli government to prioritise and privilege Jewish settlement in the Negev while forcing Bedouin citizens - those who weren’t expelled in the first decade of the state’s existence - to live in approved zones and shanty towns.
On Monday, protests took place all across historic Palestine - in the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and inside Israel – after the High Follow-Up Committee for Arab citizens of Israel called for a general strike and protests against Prawer. As plans for demonstrations were made from Nazareth to Hebron, Palestinians also hit social media to raise awareness and link up their actions, using hashtags like #AngerStrike and #StopPrawerPlan.
In Beersheva, to the south, a city ethnically cleansed in the Nakba and not far from many of the villages the Israeli government will seek to uproot under Prawer, a demonstration was targeted by the police and a number of protesters were violently arrested. In the north, some 400 people took part in a protest near Sakhnin in the Western Galilee, where another dozen participants were arrested. There were further demonstrations by Palestinians at Umm al-Fahm and many other towns and villages.
Meanwhile, Palestinians with Israeli citizenship were joined by those under military rule in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, where demonstrators rallied in solidarity with the ‘Anger Strike’ in Ramallah, Hebron, and Nablus. Even in a small village like Hussan, near Bethlehem, Israeli forces broke up a peaceful demonstration against the Prawer plan. The coordinated day of action also reached prisoners, with Palestinians in Gilboa jail announcing their participation and support.
What is interesting here is not simply how, in the words of Palestinian activist and blogger Abir Kopty, "protests took place across Palestinian cities and villages from the river to the sea", with people “communicating and organising, to defy a ‘border’ that”, Kopty told me, “separated us physically but failed to do so mentally”. Even more unusually, she pointed out, “Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza joined their brothers’ and sisters’ struggle within 48 hours, when it is usually the opposite”.
Salah Mohsen, spokesman and media director of legal rights centre Adalah, called the 15 July demonstrations against Prawer “an extraordinary show of solidarity”, with Palestinians from “the Galilee, the Triangle, and the Naqab joined by activists from around the world”. Kopty remarked how the protests, to her mind, show that “hope lies in the determination of the youth”.
As if to prove her point, West Bank-based Palestinian activist Linah Alsaafin linked the events to Land Day, describing the Anger Strike as “assert[ing] that despite political division, non-representative and collaborative leadership, Palestine remains from the river to the sea, with the Bedouins in the Naqab an integral component of the Palestinian population”.
This week has seen Palestinian flags raised and slogans chanted regarding the same outrage, from Jerusalem to Syria and Tunisia. Briefly, colonially-imposed borders seemed weaker, as Palestinians demonstrated that new strategies have emerged and will continue to develop as a means of confronting the age-old problems of fragmentation and artificial divisions.
Calls for General strike and protests on July 15 , 2013 to say no to this by Palestinians who live in the lands that were occupied in 1948 , other calls to protest in west bank and Gaza until this plan is cancelled , as activists described ” another Nakba” .
The Bill on the Arrangement of Bedouin Settlement in the Negev . The bill is based on the Begin Plan, approved by the government on January 27, 2013, which effectively constitutes a modified version of the Prawer Plan for Bedouin settlement in the Negev, approved by the government on September 11, 2011.
The bill outlines a framework for the implementation of government policies toward the Bedouin population on two separate issues: (1) the evacuation of unrecognized villagesin the Negev, and (2) the settlement of ownership of lands in the Negev. The bill is based on the absolute negation of the Bedouin population’s rights to property and historical ties to the land, in violation of the residents of the unrecognized villages’ basic rights.
Around half of the Arab population in the Negev – some 90,000 people – live in 46 Bedouin towns and villages. This accounts for just five percent of the entire land of the Negev region. Israel does not recognize 35 of these villages.
These Israeli citizens are denied their most basic rights: their villages are not connected to the state’s water and sewer systems nor to its electrical grid; education and health services are only partially provided to them, and are inadequate; and the state refuses to recognize villagers’ historical claims of ancestral ownership of the land.
Like Prawer, the Begin Plan is also based on an erroneous assumption that views the Bedouin as “squatters,” ignoring the fact that most of the villages have been in existence in their current location since before the establishment of the State of Israel. Other villages were established by coercive transfer during the period of martial law. Like its precursor, the current plan also seeks to restrict the Bedouin to a specific area and toforcibly apply this policy.
A Problematic Plan
The plan will lead to the uprooting and forcible eviction of dozens of villages and 30-40,000 Bedouin residents, who will be stripped of their property and their historical land rights. Thousands of families will be condemned to poverty and unemployment. The communal life and social fabric of these villages will be destroyed.
The plan implies that the Bedouin population should be concentrated in a specific area in recognized settlements and that no Bedouin settlements will be established beyond this pre-defined area – compounding concerns of ethnic discrimination.
The attempt to create a special arrangement on land issues for a specific group severelyundermines not just the principle of the rule of law but also the principle of equality under the law. The state cannot legislate arrangements that, in effect, suspend the application of administrative and constitutional law regarding actions and authorities granted to the state according to that same law. The state also cannot legislate arrangements that suspend real estate law for the Bedouin population when they are valid and apply to all other citizens.
Not only have unique planning regulations been created for the Negev Bedouin settlements which are not an integrated part of the regular Israeli planning laws, but these regulations are also discriminatory against the Bedouin when compared to Jewish localities in the area: There are currently over a hundred Jewish settlements in the Be’er Sheva Region, with an average population of approximately 300 people per community. This is in addition to dozens of lone farms, which were established without a permit but the government worked to grant some of them retroactive recognition.
While seeking to demolish dozens of villages and displace thousands of people, the Government is simultaneously promoting the establishment of new Jewish communities, some of which are due to be built on the ruins of Bedouin villages.
The bill rests on a mistaken assumption that the ownership claims of Bedouins on their land in the Negev are not legitimate. There are a number of reasons why the ownership rights of the majority of Bedouins in the Negev were not listed in the Land Registry books. The process of regulating land ownership during the British Mandate period, through which many of the landholders in the north and center of the country were officially registered, was not carried out in the Negev. As a result of this, the land registration mechanism was inaccessible to Negev residents. Another major factor is the existence of the Bedouin’s own traditional system of property acquisition, which for years had been used to settle matters of ownership among them. The Ottoman and British recognition of this mechanism created the impression among the Bedouins that registration in the government Land Registry was unnecessary for the recognition and preservation of their land rights.
The bill fails to take into account the circumstances of each specific unrecognized village and instead treats all of the villages as a single entity, without examining the relevant facts in each specific instance.
Despite a three-month “listening process,” the Begin Plan did not introduce any substantive changes to the bill on resettling the Bedouin, despite the overwhelming opposition from the Bedouin community and human rights organizations. Repeated efforts by the representatives of the residents of the unrecognized villages to engage in further dialogue with the government regarding these plans have been rejected.
It was a long night for my friends who study in Nablus , the IDF surrounded the dormitories area and searched it while shooting tear gas and bullets , some clashes happened . This happened for the last 2 hours , I was worried as hell about everyone there .
There maybe some students were arrested , and the males flats were searched completely .
You’re angry all the time and you get to a point that you don’t care anymore about being alive .
At the beginning you’re angry and humiliated every time you see a solider or a settler carrying a weapon which is basically taller than you just because they’re ready at anytime to kill .
My little sister , 5 , said once while they crossed the street ” Isn’t a small weapon is enough to kill ? Do they just carry those big ones to scare us? but they know that we don’t fear if we’re on the side of truth “
that left me saying ” yes , it is that simple “
As I lived last year in west bank - studying a year in Nablus , I had to go through checkpoints at least 4 times a week . At first you I was like why !!? I showed an angry face to the soldiers always while they checked my ID and my bag then I simply with days started to show a ” I don’t care anymore” , every time seeing a different situation of humiliation to me or to other people had just killed my soul .
When a Palestinian explains the resistance as not only wanting freedom and to have our land back but also ” to make them know/feel what have they done to our souls ” is a something that I begin to understand as I get older !
this all came to my mind when I watched Miral , a film about the israeli occupation and its impacts to Palestinians , a line ” I want them to suffer as we have ” stuck in my mind from the film , even though I was upset with its end as they were okey with Oslo which was unjust to Palestine but it explained somehow a small part of frustration that we go through on daily bases .